Fine Points of Energy Fiddling

Subtitle: While Rome and Everywhere Else Heats Up

Carbon Offset Cartoon
“I’m reminded of the medieval sin-eaters; poor folks who were hired by the rich to consume their sins, so that they might continue to sin.”

Even though cap-and-trade, carbon taxes, or a combination won’t solve the problems associated with climate change, some hope that linking a rise price in goods and services to GHG emissions, specifically carbon emissions, would “wean us off fossil fuels.” As previously noted, Pulitzer Prize winning New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman thinks that it moves us along the innovation curve faster. MIT economist Paul L. Joskow argues that “a cap-and-trade policy is the best way to create a market for CO2 and drive down emissions.”

Maria Surma Manka attended the two-day Nobel Conference, an annual event at Gustavus Adolphus College in tiny St. Peter, MN. She heard Joskow present two arguments for cap-and-trade.

First of all, a cap-and-trade policy is politically feasible, and making sure it actually has a chance of passing Congress in our lifetime is the most important thing to slowing global warming.

While the hybrid carbon tax proposed by Representative John Dingell, (D-MI), would seem to be policy intentionally destined for failure — some political observers have described it as the Dingell Gambit — the logic that it is better to pass ineffectual policy, e.g., an easily met cap, is weak. When so much effort is made to sustain economic growth, there is a risk that such policy could divert greater awareness and consensus building. “Well, we’ve taken care of that issue.”

Bottom Line: As Amory Lovins advises: Don’t to pay much attention to what Congress is doing.

Congress is a creature of constituencies, and the money and power of the constituencies are almost all on the supply side. There is not a powerful and organized constituency for efficient use, and there’s a very strong political (but not economic) constituency against distributed power, particularly renewables.

At least the war on environment is going well

Secondly, a cap-and-trade plan links the U.S. with other nations (and other states) that have already started down this path, thus creating a global solution to a global problem.

I am unsure of how much of a growing market in carbon offsets there is. Proponents of carbon trading argue that something must be done to dampen the surge in global carbon emissions while still making a dollar, guilder, etc., yet are more definite about the trading potential than the effectiveness of such an approach.

Certainly, there is some semblance of responsible action. For instance, the Dutch set stringent criteria for certification:

  1. The balance of greenhouse gas emissions in the production chain and application of biomass needs to be positive
  2. Biomass production should not come at the cost of important carbon reservoirs in the vegetation and the soil
  3. Biomass production for energy may not endanger the supply of food and local biomass applications (energy supply, medicines, building materials)
  4. Biomass production will not harm protected or vulnerable biodiversity and wherever possible will enhance biodiversity
  5. When producing and processing of biomass the quality of the soil will be maintained or enhanced
  6. When producing and processing biomass, soil and surface water will not be exhausted and the water quality will be maintained or enhanced
  7. When producing and processing biomass the air quality will be maintained or enhanced
  8. Production of biomass will add to the local welfare
  9. The production of biomass will add value to the welfare of the employees and local population.

Cheney as Doctor Evil
So that would make the character with the big ears, his mini-me, eh?

Even so, there would seem great potential for pencil-whipping, i.e., collecting data to demonstrate conformance while the reverse essentially continues. To repeat an observation by Simon Richter that emission rights trading is a really bad idea:

The fundamental problem is this: emission rights trading happens only when buying rights is cheaper than actually reducing your emissions. When this is relatively cheap, you remove any incentive to develop better processes in individual companies; if it is more expensive, most industries will remain at the status quo (no emission trading) while those where it still makes sense fiscally now have an alternative, which diminishes the market for technology companies specializing in filtering technology and process optimization (i.e. it becomes even more expensive to behave environmentally conscious).

At the same time, the cost of buying these rights from individuals will be passed on to the consumer, the only way to get this money back will be to sell off their emission rights. From a macroeconomic perspective, no money ever changes hands, but you have effectively transferred the individual emission rights over to the industry.

Bottom Line: Carbon cap-and-trade is predicated upon a false assumption: that the Planet can withstand continued production of green house gas emissions at levels that previously have seemed acceptable. Handing out huge blocks of emissions rights for trading by polluters seemingly allows them to continue to profit from business as usual.

Nota Bene:

If not totally bummed by this post, then you may want to consider Manka’s links for Personal Action. “For starters, check out”:

  1. Will Steger’s “Template for Action"
  2. Lighter Footstep’s “10 First Steps
  3. Union of Concerned Scientist’s “How You Can be Involved.

Other Possibly Related AG Posts Automatically Generated

6 Comments

  1. jcwinnie
    Posted 2007-10-7 at 8:02 pm | Permalink

    Keith Farnish, UK, Earth, observes that a Cap and Trade approach goes beyond “combining the necessary reduction of greenhouse gases with the equal distribution of the ‘right’ to emit those greenhouse gases.”

    [It] puts the various baskets of greenhouse gases into the marketplace. What has happened is that rather than saying, “Here’s your limit, don’t go beyond it,” the people supporting Cap and Trade are saying, “Here’s your limit, but you can go over it providing you have the cash.”

  2. jcwinnie
    Posted 2007-10-8 at 9:07 am | Permalink

    According to Mike Pepler, who works from home for the Ashden Awards for Sustainable Energy, in an academic critique of a 2003 energy white paper for the United Kingdom, David Newbery, a professor of Applied Economics at Cambridge University, has observed that “carbon policy is driven by quantity of emissions, but commercial action is driven by price, and there is not a predictable relationship between the two.”

  3. jcwinnie
    Posted 2007-10-27 at 1:07 pm | Permalink

    While the editorial in the Christian Science Monitor, “A tax on carbon to cool the planet“, notes that a carbon tax is not the whole solution, it does acknowledge that there is growing support:

    Conservative and liberal economists like it. James Connaughton, President Bush’s top environmental adviser, backs it. Al Gore says he’s always preached it.

    Lawmakers want to find less painful ways than taxing oil, coal, and natural gas. The editorial suggests that this is aversion to a tax rather than allegiance to fossil fuels. Congress would seem to be enamoured with alternative energies and setting caps on greenhouse-gas emissions (with allowances to trade emission permits). CSM suggests that they may go so far as to tighten up regulations, such as fuel- efficiency standards, but we will wait to see what happens.

    A previously stated viewpoint by the CSM already has pointed out” the flaws in cap-and-trade plans as experienced in other nations.”

    Their complexity and vulnerability to fraud and special-interest lobbyists – would reduce the intended effect. They also take a long time to set up and get working right. And, in the end, they also raise energy prices for consumers, just not as directly as a tax.

    The editorial suggests that, “with Europe’s cap-and-trade system faltering, the US should be a leader in using a carbon tax.”

    Economists agree that the real cost of burning fossil fuels – damage to the environment and health, not to mention the cost of replacing them as they run out – isn’t reflected in today’s prices. A carbon tax would directly send a market signal to reduce carbon use. And it would provide an incentive for investment in renewable sources, especially if the tax is set at the source: for natural gas, at the wellhead; for coal, at the mine entrance. Oil would be charged at the refinery because petroleum products create different levels of emissions when burned.

    The World Resources Institute calculates that a tax of $15 per ton of carbon-dioxide emissions would double the costs for coal use and raise gasoline prices about 13 cents a gallon (or about 5 percent, at today’s prices). Natural-gas prices would rise less than 7 percent. That would result in a 12 percent reduction in CO2 emissions.

  4. jcwinnie
    Posted 2008-1-9 at 11:25 am | Permalink

    Simon Donner admonished the media because the headlines screamed “Panel proposes carbon tax” “because, of course, taxes are scary, evil things that make good headlines. It is worth reading the entire report or at least the entire media story.”

    At the behest of the Canadian government, the National Round Table for the Environment and the Economy completed an important study on the long-term climate policy options for Canada.

    The first recommendation:

    Implement a strong, clear, consistent and certain GHG emission price signal across the entire Canadian economy as soon as possible in order to successfully shift Canada to a lower GHG emissions pathway…

    The second:

    Institute a market-based policy that takes the form of an emission tax or a cap-and-trade system or a combination of the two.

    In other words, the bottom line of the study, by my reading, is that time, not the ongoing tax vs. cap-and-trade debate, is what matters. We need to install an effective policy – whether a carbon tax, cap-and-trade, or a combination, whatever will work politically or logistically – as soon as possible if we want to achieve the long-term emissions reductions with minimal economic consequences. Yes, the structure of the policy is important, but if we wait to long, any policy will fail to meet the long-term targets.

  5. jcwinnie
    Posted 2008-4-6 at 1:09 pm | Permalink

    Writing for the NY Times Andrew C. Revkin shares his perception that, “with recent data showing an unexpected rise in global emissions and a decline in energy efficiency,” there is “a growing chorus of economists, scientists and students of energy policy”, all of whom “are saying that whatever benefits the cap approach yields, it will be too little and come too late.”

    In a recent Scientific American article economist Jeffrey D. Sachs, head of the Earth Institute at Columbia University, stated it bluntly :

    Even with a cutback in wasteful energy spending, our current technologies cannot support both a decline in carbon dioxide emissions and an expanding global economy. If we try to restrain emissions without a fundamentally new set of technologies, we will end up stifling economic growth, including the development prospects for billions of people.

  6. jcwinnie
    Posted 2008-4-6 at 1:26 pm | Permalink

    His Snarkiness, the most irreverent Joseph Romm also perceives that “we have run out of time to wait for some unknown techno-fix to save us.”

    We either peak in global fossil fuel use by 2020 (or earlier) and then cut emissions sharply — as our top climate scientists have been telling us with increasing urgency (see here and here) — or our children and the next 50 generations face the inevitability of tens of feet of sea level rise, widespread desertification, loss of most species on the planet, and other miseries that cannot be adapted to any meaningful sense of the word (see this post).

    Unlike this blog, Romm is “spouting off” from some experience. He helped to run the Office of Energy Efficiency and Renewable Energy at the US Department of Energy in the 1990s.

    That little-known billion-dollar office is the lead federal agency for both the development and deployment of most of the technologies needed to sharply reduce greenhouse gas emissions. Solar power, wind power, geothermal, LED lighting, efficient heating and cool, cogeneration, fuel cell cars, hydrogen, energy storage, advanced batteries, flywheels, ultracapacitors, hybrid vehicles, industrial efficiency, cellulosic ethanol (and its feedstocks), biomass gasification, high-temperature superconductors — you name it, we funded it. And the same for programs to accelerate the deployment of every one of those technologies into the market. (For two years before that, I worked for the Deputy Secretary of Energy, who oversaw all energy programs, including nuclear, “clean” coal, and natural gas.) I helped lead the Clinton administration’s effort to develop a climate technology strategy, encompassing both technology development and deployment.

    One of the things that I learned at DOE is that technology breakthroughs that dramatically change how we use energy are incredibly rare — in my talks I defy listeners to name a single one that has occurred in the last quarter-century. Nobody’s ever done it. I have a long blog post on the “breakthrough myth” here (plus a longer discussion in my book) — and I will revist this in a few days. I also learned just how energy inefficient most homes, offices and factories are.

    From such a basis of understanding, Romm believes that in his NYT story, Revkin missed a key point: the promise of technology is a delaying tactic.

    There are actually three groups in this epic debate, not two.

    1) There are people like me and Princeton’s Rob Socolow and the entire Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change who believe we have now (or soon will have) the technologies needed to stabilize atmospheric carbon dioxide levels at acceptable levels (below 450 ppm) — and that we must spend a lot more money on R&D into new technologies at the same time.

    2) There are people who seem to recognize the urgency of the problem, like Jeffrey Sachs and Roger Pielke (both quoted in the NYT piece), but who think we need “a fundamentally new set of technologies” or “enormous advances in energy technology” to solve the problem.

    3) There are the people who don’t really believe in the seriousness of the problem, but because doing nothing is a politically untenable position at this time, they offer the hope of new technology as the solution. For them, “new technology” is nothing more than a delaying tactic, and they don’t even bother to back up their words with significant increases in funding for R&D. This is what I call the “technology trap.”

    The intellectual framework for the technology trap was laid out by GOP strategist Frank Luntz (see below). It then became the cornerstone of US “climate policy” thanks to President Bush (see the post Bush climate speech follows Luntz playbook: “Technology, technology, blah, blah, blah.”. Other key “delayers” who have embraced this delaying tactic are Newt Gingrich (see “Anti-environment, anti-technology Gingrich tries to rewrite history. Don’t buy it or his new book” and Bjørn Lomborg (see here).

    A bit more on the origins of the technology trap. Conservative message maker Luntz realized that it could be politically dangerous to oppose any action on global warming, even if efforts to obfuscate the climate science were successful. Luntz lays out a clever solution to this conundrum in his 2002 “Straight Talk” memo on climate change messaging [a must-read for all concerned citizens]:

    Technology and innovation are the key in arguments on both sides. Global warming alarmists use American superiority in technology and innovation quite effectively in responding to accusations that international agreements such as the Kyoto accord could cost the United States billions. Rather than condemning corporate America the way most environmentalists have done in the past, they attack us for lacking faith in our collective ability to meet any economic challenges presented by environmental changes we make. This should be our argument. We need to emphasize how voluntary innovation and experimentation are preferable to bureaucratic or international intervention and regulation.

    That’s why I call this the technology trap, because the promise of new technology is used to delay action, rather than to foster action, on climate change.

4 Trackbacks

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